On 14 December 2000 the Dutch government
officially launched the 'Voice of Hope' radio station, a station
broadcasting into Sudan and aimed at a southern Sudanese audience.
This station is funded by the Dutch Ministry for Development
Cooperation, the Catholic grouping Pax Christi, the Dutch
national radio world service and the Dutch Christian broadcasting
company NCRV. Effective day-to day-control of the radio was
vested in the New Sudan Council of Churches. 'Voice of Hope'
began broadcasting later that month.
It is instructive to note that the Dutch Minister for Development
Cooperation, Eveline Herfkens, in announcing the launch, stated:
"The Netherlands is actively committed to the difficult search
for peace in Sudan...With a few interruptions, Sudan has been
suffering from the violence of war since August 1955. A struggle
between successive governments in Khartoum and rebels in the
South. And not only between north and south. Also within the
north itself. And within the south. Many cultures, many languages,
many religions. An incredibly complex conflict." (1)
She stated that the Dutch government strategy was "to help
where possible to increase the population's self-sufficiency.
And hence the input to a process of peace and reconciliation":
"Helping to pay for Voice of Hope fits in excellently with
this approach. Southern Sudan is very isolated...So radio
is an extremely important medium. It can contribute to the
creation of a 'civil society'. Particularly at very lowest
level. Hence the 'mission statement' says that the project
wants to give a voice to the voiceless. To enable them to
play an active part in the peace process, or to help get it
off the ground...Radio allows the people to hear their own
views...The radio project is not an isolated project, but
part of a wider project entitled 'Strengthening civil society
inside southern Sudan'".
She did acknowledge "we must tread carefully with activities
designed to foster peace. The Netherlands attaches great importance
to a neutral role in Sudan, so that it can engage in an open
dialogue with all the parties...If any party in the conflict
has the impression that an initiative supports one party or
agenda more than others it is doomed to failure. That risk
is also inherent to Voice of Hope. The station focuses exclusively
on the South. And it is run by organisations that not all
Sudanese parties regard as neutral." The minister specifically
warned: "No propaganda. That is the clear agreement". (2)
It is clear, however, after almost one year of broadcasting
that 'Voice of Hope' has been a disappointment and embarrassment
to the Dutch government, having been party to, amongst other
things, blatant anti- government propaganda. This project
was indeed deeply questionable for at least two reasons from
the very beginning.
The New Sudan Council of Churches and the SPLA
In the first instance, the Dutch government's choice of partners
in the venture was ill-advised. The New Sudan Council of Churches
(NSCC), exists within areas of southern Sudan controlled by
the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA). The NSCC
was formed in February 1990 from Catholic and Episcopal churches
in southern Sudan. Despite the Dutch government's willingness
to leave the Voice of Hope in the hands of the NSCC, the extent
of its independence from the Sudan People's Liberation Army
(SPLA) in southern Sudan has been questionable from its very
inception. Even its use of the expression "New Sudan" directly
echoes words and themes central to SPLA terminology. (3) As
the respected human rights organisation, African Rights, has
pointed out: "The NSCC could not have been created without
the support of John Garang". African Rights further quoted
"a leading churchman" as stating that: "The Movement was behind
the formation of the NSCC." Garang himself, in addressing
a NSCC General Assembly publicly stated that he saw the NSCC
as the "spiritual wing of the Movement".(4) It is an
organisation religiously tied to a distinct minority within
southern Sudan. The NSCC is at best a group willingly identified
with the SPLA and at best a body cowed into submission by
SPLA intimidation - with the end result that it is seen as
a vehicle for SPLA positions such as they are.
It should be noted that the SPLA has been described by 'The
New York Times', no friend of the Sudanese government, as
"brutal and predatory" and "an occupying army, killing, raping
and pillaging". SPLA leader John Garang has been described
by the same newspaper as a "pre-eminent war criminal". (5)
In December 1999, Human Rights Watch stated that: "The SPLA
has a history of gross abuses of human rights and has not
made any effort to establish accountability. Its abuses today
remain serious." Established and respected humanitarian organisations
such as CARE, Save the Children, World Vision, Church World
Service and the American
Refugee Committee have jointly stated that the SPLA is guilty
of "the most serious human rights abuses". (6) Agence France
Press also reported that: "Much of the relief food going to
more than a million famine victims in rebel-held areas of
southern Sudan is ending up in the hands of the Sudan People's
Liberation Army (SPLA)" (7)While the New Sudan Council of
Churches is publicly committed to speaking on behalf of southern
Sudanese people, particularly in respect of political, civil
and human rights, the NSCC has been deafeningly silent on
all these and many other gross violations of human rights
by the SPLA throughout southern Sudan. Leaving aside its politicised
origins, it is only fair to note as African Rights has also
stated, that the NSCC exists "in a society which is dominated
by armed...movements",
and that its leaders are "personally vulnerable".
It is a matter of record, for example, that the chairman of
the New Sudan Council of Churches, the Roman Catholic Bishop
of Torit, Bishop Paride Taban, has, in the words of African
Rights, been subjected to "vicious treatment". He has been
imprisoned and publicly humiliated by the SPLA. African Rights
also reported that nuns under his care had been raped by SPLA
forces. Church property has been looted or destroyed. (8)
Given this level of intimidation, it is perhaps unsurprising
that any
NSCC criticism of human rights abuses has been mostly directed
at the government. This has been reflected in 'Voice of Hope'
output. The inability or disinclination of the New Sudan Council
of Churches to speak out on the appalling human rights violations
amongst their very own parishioners can only but detract from
their objectivity and reliability as commentators and witnesses
on Sudanese affairs, and their ability to run a neutral radio
station.
The New Sudan Council of Churches, forced or otherwise, has
certainly followed a pro-SPLA line. African Rights quotes
the leader of another rival southern Sudanese political grouping
as saying that: "As a structure, NSCC is behind Garang. He
was the one who started it, and they are still close to him.
Their resources are almost all channelled to his areas." (9)
This is a clear example of the political fragmentation of
politics within southern Sudan, and the fact that in supporting
the NSCC and 'Voice of Hope' the Dutch government is merely
supporting one of several southern Sudanese political and
ethnic groupings.(10)
In addition to identifying with one particular political faction,
and one particular religious minority within southern Sudan,
the New Sudan Council of Churches is also essentially identified
with one ethnic group amongst many within southern Sudan.
The simple fact is that the SPLA is seen as essentially a
Dinka-based organisation. 'The Economist', for example, has
referred to the SPLA as "little more than an armed gang of
Dinkas".(11) The SPLA's ethnic cleansing in parts of southern
Sudan has also been documented. (12) John Prendergast, a former
American government specialist on Sudan cited one observer
as saying "The overwhelmingly 'Nilotic' character of the early
SPLA was...enough to alienate many Equatorians" and personally
states that the SPLA is seen in Equatoria as "an army of occupation."
(13) The NSCC is therefore identified with a particularly
oppressive Dinka grouping within a Sudan divided by deep ethnic
rivalries.
Despite the fact that it is clearly compromised, the New Sudan
Council of Churches is presented to, and accepted by, many
outsiders as an independent body in southern Sudan. This state
of affairs is not a healthy one. Given its political affinity
with the SPLA, and a marked reluctance to criticise the SPLA
to any meaningful extent, for international observers to unreservedly
accept NSCC perspectives on human rights, political developments
and peace in Sudan can only but serve to further distort an
already muddied picture. At best the NSCC serves as an apologist
for the SPLA, and at worst a docile propagandist.
Selective Coverage
Even a cursory examination of the 'Voice of Hope' web-site
on a key issue such as human rights amply illustrates the
unacceptable slant of those running the radio station. On
human rights 'Voice of Hope' has reproduced what can only
but be described as anti-government propaganda. Virtually
all the postings within the radio's human rights section are
by Mr Eric Reeves, a crass anti-government campaigner based
in the United States. Not only is Reeves overtly anti-government
but he has
been repeatedly criticised for deeply questionable - in some
cases overtly Islamophobic - sources, factual inaccuracies
and plain untruths. (14) Not one instance of human rights
abuse by the SPLA is listed. This is quite some way away from
the Dutch government's claims that 'Voice of Hope' would "report
on human rights...Because even within southern Sudan there
is misunderstanding and division. Information presented well
can contribute to mutual understanding".(15) African Rights'
study 'Great Expectations: The Civil Roles of the Churches
in Southern Sudan', placed on record the fatal limitations
on the New Sudan Council of Churches -
limitations all too evident in 'Voice of Hope''s content,
especially regarding human rights:
"Church leaders in the New Sudan recall the anti-church stand
of the SPLA in its early days, and observe continuing repression
against dissenters. Even the most courageous Church leaders
have been selective in their criticisms, choosing not to name
certain commanders responsible for abuses." (16)
Undermining Peace in Sudan?
The second reason for questioning the Dutch government's close
involvement in this project is a simple one of common sense.
While the Dutch government has publicly recognised that there
are several religions in Sudan and particularly southern Sudan,
The Netherlands appears to have decided to fund those associated
with only one of these religions. From a religious point of
view the Dutch government's funding and support for 'Voice
of Hope' merely serves to distort what is an
already incredibly complex situation. It empowers one particular
religious and political minority within a collection of minorities
in southern Sudan. Many Sudanese - north and south - are further
disturbed that other partners in 'Voice of Hope' are Pax Christi
- an anti-Sudanese campaigning group and NCRV - a Dutch Christian
media channel.
Nationally, seventy percent of the Sudanese population is
Muslim, animist religions are followed by 25 percent and Christians
account for five percent of the population.(17) The 1994-95
Economist Intelligence Unit country profile of Sudan states
that Christians made up 15 percent of the southern population.
This figure is also cited in Human Rights Watch Africa's 1996
report on Sudan.(18) It is claimed as many southern Sudanese
may be adherents to Islam. By far the most southern Sudanese,
some sixty percent of the population, however, are neither
Christian nor Muslim - they are animists. The NSCC can therefore
at most hope to represent about 15 percent of southern Sudanese.
Its political association with the SPLA also ties it to one
of several southern Sudanese political factions.
Far from giving a "voice to the voiceless people inside southern
Sudan", 'Voice of Hope' merely articulates the narrow, anti-government
views of only one section of southern Sudan's body politic
and religious community. For all its stated concerns about
"neutrality", the Dutch government is in danger of undermining
its, undoubtedly sincere, attempts to foster peace in Sudan.
It is clear that the 'Voice of Hope' project demonstrably
"supports one party or agenda more than others":
the extent of its failure is becoming self-evident.
Notes
1 'Herfkens Opens New Radio Station for Southern Sudan: "Voice
of Hope" Wants to Promote Peace from the Ground Up', 15 December
2000. Available on Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs web-site
at http://bznet/Content.asp?Key=405326&Pad=400046,301230
2 Ibid.
3 See, for example, 'On the New Sudan', the SPLM/SPLA Department
of Information, a Background Paper presented to the Conference
'On the Management of the Crisis in the Sudan', Bergen, Norway,
February 1989. Available at
http://www.fou.uib.no/fd/1996/f/712001/backdept.htm
4 'Great Expectations: The Civil Roles of the Churches in
Southern Sudan', Discussion Paper No.6, African Rights, London,
April 1995, p.29.
5 'Misguided Relief to Sudan', Editorial, 'The New York Times',
6 December 1999.
6 'Humanitarian Organizations Oppose Plan Providing Food to
Sudanese Rebels', Press Release, InterAction, American Council
for Voluntary International Action, Washington-DC, 30 November,
1999.
7 'Aid for Sudan ending up with SPLA: Relief Workers', Article
by Agence France Press on 21 July, 1998 at 08:23:48.
8 'Food and Power in Sudan', African Rights, London, 1997,
p.332.
9 'Great Expectations: The Civil Roles of the Churches in
Southern Sudan', op. cit., p.30.
10 There are a large number of southern Sudanese political
movements, groupings and factions. These break down along
ethnic, regional and political lines. They include the Sudanese
United Democratic Salvation Front (UDSF), SPLM/A (Bahr el-Ghazal
Group), the SPLM/A Bor Group, the Nuba Mountains United SPLM/A,
the Equatoria Defence Force, the Union of Sudanese African
Parties (USAP) and the SPLA-United group.
11 'The Economist', March 1998.
12 'Growing Friction in Rebel-Held Southern Sudan', News Article
by BBC Online, 9 June, 1999 Published at
16:36 GMT.
13 John Prendergast, 'Crisis Response: Humanitarian Band-Aids
in Sudan and Somalia', Pluto Press, London, 1997, p.57.
14 See, for example, 'The Return of the "Ugly American": Eric
Reeves and Sudan', European-Sudanese Public Affairs Council,
London, November 2000. Available at
http://www.espac.org/oil_pages/the_ugly_american.html
See also 'Smith College, Eric Reeves and Sudan: What Price
a Reputation?', European-Sudanese Public Affairs Council,
August 2001, available at
http://www.sasociety.com/whois/ericreeves.htm ;'Eric Reeves,
The World Food Programme and Displacement' European-Sudanese
Public Affairs Council, London, 23 February 2001; 'Allegations
of Oil Development Displacement Assessed Against Independent
Sources', European-Sudanese Public Affairs Council, London,
March 2001; 'Eric Reeves' Credibility on Sudan Further Damaged
by British Satellite Picture Analysis of Sudanese Oil Fields',
Media Monitors Network, May 2001; 'Eric Reeves Against Africa',
Media Monitors Network, May 2001; 'Eric Reeves, Sudan, Displacement
and Double Standards', European-Sudanese Public Affairs Council,
London, 15 June 2001
15 'Herfkens Opens New Radio Station for Southern Sudan: "Voice
of Hope" Wants to Promote Peace from the Ground Up', 15 December
2000. Available on Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs web-site
at http://bznet/Content.asp?Key=405326&Pad=400046,301230
16 'Great Expectations: The Civil Roles of the Churches in
Southern Sudan', op. cit., p.32.
17 See, for example, the Dutch Foreign Ministry website on
http://www.minbuza.nl
.
18 'Behind the Red Line: Political Repression in Sudan', Human
Rights Watch/Africa, New York, 1996, p.193.
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